Knights of the Round Table: Knighthood in History vs. Medieval Arthurian Literature Part 3
Fredderica Krehbiel
Citation: Krehbiel, Fredderica. “Knights of the Round Table: Knighthood in History vs. Medieval Arthurian Literature Part 3.” The Coalition of Master’s Scholars on Material Culture, February 24th, 2023. cmsmc.org/publications/knights-of-the-round-table-1.
Abstract: In the final part of this serialization, Krehbiel explores how the romance literature of the medieval period interprets and romanticizes reality through the lens of Arthuriana as a nostalgic, fantastical setting. This addresses the broad themes of romance literature, its origins, and authorship. Romances were written by the troubadours, who either were knights or worked for knights, and they wanted to aggrandize knighthood to their audience, who were also knights.[1] Additionally, the themes of courtly love and chivalry, which define the genre as a whole are important to this discussion. In this piece, the actions and stories of Arthur’s knights, as shown in medieval literature, will be compared to those of real knights. Primarily, this uses works of romance from England and Northern France during the late 12th to mid-13th centuries. These sources will be used in direct comparison of monographs which focus on knights, as well as primary source documents relating to warfare and chivalry. These stories all presented supposedly ideal knights which strictly adhered to codes of chivalry and courtly love that, as we will see, were not followed by actual knights.
Keywords: courtly love, chivalry, knighthood, romance literature, Arthuriana.
The Knight of History versus the Knight of Romance
In the later middle ages, romances became one of the most popular types of secular literature among the upper classes.[2] A narrative poem with aristocratic characters engaging in combat and/or love affairs, written in a vernacular language after 1100 qualifies as a romance.[3] Although the high point of romance, that is the period when romance was perhaps most prolific was the century between 1150 to 1250, romances were written well into the fifteenth century.[4] The name, romance, came from the Latin roman, meaning vernacular; although it came to be understood as literature from France, where romances first emerged.[5] The rise of romances was tied literacy expanding beyond the clergy, who wrote almost exclusively in Latin, to the noble and middle classes, who wanted literature in their native or vernacular languages.[6] “As the idea of vernacular literacy takes root and becomes institutionalized, functional, practical literacy in the vernaculars spreads to the noble, merchant, and political classes, and with it, the audience for written forms of vernacular verse.”[7] By the 15th century, members of these secular upper classes were commissioning anthologies of romances and other vernacular literature known as “grete books.”[8] Aside from being written in the common language, romances set themselves apart by being almost purely recreational, meant to entertain rather than impart a lesson on its reader.[9] The chief patrons of recreational literature were the women of the noble classes, who preferred more refinement in their poetry than had been in previous genres.[10] In fact, Chretien de Troyes patron for his Lancelot is Countess Marie of Champagne, daughter of Eleanor of Aquitaine.[11]
The genre of romance evolved from the older chansons de geste, literally “songs of great deeds”, these stories were focused on war and valor and are sometimes described as epic poems.[12] Of the chansons, one of the most famous is also one of the earliest: The Song of Roland, written around 1100, which tells the story of a knight in Charlemagne’s army in a war against “sinful pagans”.[13] These poems did not shy away from depicting violence, the hero of The Song of Roland, towards the end of the poem is described as having suffered a blow “which brake his temple’s veins,” and eventually caused “ out his ears his brains [to] runneth forth.”[14] The chansons de geste placed emphasis on martial strength and brutality, feudal loyalty, and religious piety as the essential virtues of the hero; however in the romances a new emphasis was placed on courtly manners, love affairs and the adventures of the individual hero independently.[15] However, the romance was also a departure from the chanson de geste in that it reflected the audience and the new chivalric culture which developed around the 12th century, particularly codified with the writings of Chretien de Troyes in the 1170’s.[16]
One of the largest audiences for these stories were the knightly class, including noblewomen, who wanted to see themselves and their values reflected in the poetry.[17] Romances did not lose the violent edge present in the chansons; for example, Chretien de Troyes’s Erec et Enide has multiple graphic scenes of violence. One example in particular from the romance reads:“...Erec thrust the finely made, keen-edged iron into his [the knight’s] throat beneath the chin; he sliced through all the bones and nerves, and the iron burst out the other side.”[18] This demonstrates that the romances had not lost the ferocity of the chansons, but added a veneer of pageantry and courtliness that defined the genre.[19] Historian Nigel Saul says that “romance, in a sense was an inevitable accompaniment to war: when the pain and suffering of conflict were so great, it provided an element of glamour which made the suffering seem worthwhile.”[20] Medieval romance was a genre of literature that tried to define knighthood in terms like chivalry, placing an equal emphasis on the nonviolent aspects of knighthood as the earlier chansons had on the violent aspects.[21] The romances were less about expressing the heroic ideals and instead expressing the ideals of the aristocratic class the heroes came from.[22]
Romance has been credited by historian John Frederick Rowbotham as the “most important of all the forms of composition cultivated by the troubadours.”[23] The troubadours were composers or authors hired by noble courts, although modern historians have ascribed the term to a specific class of poet, this was not the case in the middle ages.[24] “In medieval France, they [the terms troubadour and the northern trouvere] could be applied to anyone who wrote or composed anything at all, lyric or narrative, with or without music.”[25] The troubadours flourished after the end of the first crusade in the 12th century, they were inspired by the “civilized court and castle life” they worked in.[26] According to medievalist Frances Gies: “The troubadour was a knightly poet. He wrote for and about knights.”[27] However, Troubadours were not exclusively men, in fact, the noblewomen who patroned the troubadours themselves could be poets; these trobairitz as they have been called are largely dismissed as amateurs in comparison to their male equivalents.[28] Marie de France, a contemporary of De Troyes and an author of English short romances or lais, who wrote for the court of Henry II in the 1170’s credited her stories as translations of earlier troubadour poems.[29] In the introduction of her lai, Equitan, Marie de France said that she isn’t the originator of the story but rather that she “heard recited” from Breton sources.[30]
The romances however, included themes not found in previous literature, specifically ideas of courtly love and chivalry; which were meant to appeal to the noblewomen commissioning the earliest romances.[31] According to medievalist Nigel Saul, “In the writings of the twelfth-century troubadours and lyric poets we find the first stirrings of a sensuous new mood. Love and the amorous desires of the heart were for the first time treated as central to the poetic vision.”[32] English literature historian A. B. Taylor credited Chretien de Troyes in particular with having “established courtly love and chivalry as the enduring themes” of romance literature.[33] The term courtly love was coined in 1881 by Gaston Paris to describe an innocent yet illicit kind of relationship that adhered to a complex set of rules, based on the affair of Lancelot and Guinevere described by de Troyes.[34]
However, it was Andreas Cappellanus who wrote a treatise on love around 1200, based on “Ars Amoria” by the Roman poet Ovid.[35] Cappellanius worked under Marie de Champagne, the same patron as de Troyes, and cites the countess as an expert on love.[36] In his treatise, Capellanus defines love as “a certain inborn suffering derived from the sight of and excessive meditation upon the beauty of the opposite sex, which causes each one to wish above all things the embraces of the other and by common desire to carry out love’s precepts in the other’s embrace.”[37] However, in Capellanus’ treatise he says that this kind of love is only reserved for the nobility and says that peasants are incapable of love, and it is unnatural for them and that it distracts them from working on their farms.[38] There are additional rules that Capellanus says are essential for fin d’amour or “true love”.[39] Namely, that love exists outside of marriage, the lover was supposedly beholden to his lady and that a lover will be made a nobler person by love.[40]
Lancelot, or, The Knight of the Cart, is perhaps one of the most enduring examples of courtly love; the romance was primarily concerned with their adulterous and incredibly emotional affair that it was Paris’ inspiration for the term courtly love.[41] In the romance, Lancelot dishonored himself by climbing into a prison cart in order to find Queen Guinevere and rescue her.[42] De Troyes says that climbing into the cart would be a disgrace, but he also says that “because Love ordered and wished it, he jumped in; since Love ruled his action the disgrace did not matter.”[43] De Troyes focused on this tension between reason and passion as a main theme of Lancelot, and perhaps as literary expert Fanni Bogdanow suggests, a criticism of courtly love.[44] Regardless, eventually when he and Guinevere are reunited, she dismisses him and Lancelot all but dies from grief and defends his actions, “whatever one might do for one’s sweetheart should be considered an act of love and courtliness.”[45] This sentiment is repeated in The Art of Courtly Love, in which Cappelanus said: “no one does a good or courteous deed in the world unless it is derived from the fount of love.”[46] As a courtly lover, Guinevere was Lancelot’s top priority, the key catalyst for all his subsequent actions in the romance.[47] Lancelot was very much a representation of the exemplary courtly love affair, de Troyes’ representation of this made Lancelot and his affair with Guinevere some of the most popular elements of the Arthurian canon.[48]
However, Lancelot was only one example of the ethos of courtly love, one of the most universal aspects of courtly love is the fact that it was extra-marital.[49] In Marie de France’s lai, Lanval, Guinevere propositioned another one of Arthur’s knights and when she is rejected he is put on trial by Arthur for insulting her.[50] Another example, in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, Gawain’s hostess seduced him, saying that as “the embodiment of courtliness to the bones of his being,” the knight must want to kiss her.[51] The lady even faulted Sir Gawain for not having a mistress, because without love, Gawain lacked motivation and the height of chivalry.[52] De Troyes did not address the extra-marital nature of the affair in his Lancelot, but later authors, especially Sir Thomas Malory in his 1485 book Le Morte D’Arthur, certainly did.[53] Malory agreed that it is Lancelot’s relationship with Guinevere that inspired him to become a hero, but also made their affair the cause of Arthur’s eventual downfall.[54] According to medievalist Derek Brewer, “Lancelot does cause misfortune to all about him, because through him and Guinevere are the greatest king and flower of knights destroyed.[55] In an earlier series of anonymous romances, the Lancelot-Grail or Vulgate Cycle written in the 1230’s, King Arthur almost puts Guinevere to death and declares war on Lancelot for their affair. [56] In Malory’s Morte D’Arthur the affair seems to be common knowledge but was described as shameful.[57] According to Malory: “I marvel that we all be not ashamed to see and to know how Sir Lancelot lieth daily and nightly by the Queen...that we should suffer so noble a king as King Arthur is to be shamed.”[58]
Courtly love as a concept developed in response to the strict religious doctrine around purity and chastity that were becoming more pronounced in the 12th century.[59] In the 1380’s the monk Thomas of Walsingham accused the knights of Richard II’s court of being “Knights of Venus” and showing more prowess in bed than in battle.[60] Indeed in the later middle ages, particularly in the 15th and 16th centuries knighthood turned away from the courts of arms to the courts of love.[61] Adultery was permissible in men, but in women “cost a husband his honor” according to Gies, with the lovers often facing severe punishment.[62] This view is largely in line with Malory’s Morte D’Arthur. However, adultery was not grounds for killing one’s wife in the Middle Ages despite being considered shameful.[63] In the Middle Ages, marriage was more about the transfer of property and upwards mobility rather than love.[64] Furthermore, wives were expected to submit to their husbands completely.[65] The courtly love of the romances preached the opposite. In Cappellanus, the lady becomes the lord, and her lover must submit to her.[66] Lancelot and other fictional courtly lovers were a sort of wish-fulfillment for the female audience; they represented passionate extramarital love that was impossible for this audience.[67] De Troyes in particular wrote for Marie de Champagne, who according to the introduction of Lancelot, specifically requested the element of courtly love be included.[68] Courtly love appears to have existed in literature rather than in reality.
Chivalry was the other important contribution of romance literature to medieval culture, however, the evidence of chivalry’s impact was much clearer than courtly love’s, especially among the military classes.[69] Romances through chivalry created an identity of knighthood, elements of which, through the knightly class, changed the manners and culture of the aristocracy overall.[70]
What chivalry meant was hard to define, according to Saul, “Medieval chivalry was more an outlook than a doctrine, more a lifestyle than an explicit ethical code.”[71] There were, however, some qualities that made one chivalrous according to the romances: prowess, loyalty, generosity, courtesy and a “free and frank bearing.”[72] The concept of chivalry was the result of a transformation of the medieval army that placed mounted knights at the forefront, which built camaraderie and a sense of identity among them.[73] There were many codes of chivalry, much like Capellanus’s rule book, that attempted to create a single meaning of the term but drew different conclusions.[74] However, the romance literature in particular popularized the more courteous aspects of the concept and codified its values.[75]
In De Troyes’s Lancelot, Gawain serves as a foil to Lancelot, the perfect courtly lover, by representing the perfect chivalric knight.[76] Unlike Lancelot, Gawain refuses to board the cart as it would be too great a dishonor.[77] The rest of De Troyes’ romances neglect courtly love in favor of chivalry.[78] In particular Cliges features all of the qualities of chivalry, the knight’s father, Alexander demonstrates generosity he was “mindful of the emperor’s exhortation and advice to have his heart ever ready to give and spend liberally.”[79] Later in the same romance, Alexander “showed largesse in the spilling of blood” as he and the other knights in King Arthur’s court put down a rebellion by a traitorous Count.[80] In Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, Gawain laments his failures as a knight in having “forgot the fidelity and kindness every knight knows,” when he took the girdle in secret from the hostess.[81] However, Gawain is praised for his chivalry in part because of his “good cheer”, even when facing death, he attempted to seem in good spirits.[82] In Le Morte D’Arthur, chivalry is secular, the knights of the round table are united in their loyalty to Arthur; they swore to abide by rules that forbade treason, emphasized mercy and never be involved in petty wars.[83] According to Malory, “And some there were, that were but knights, increased in arms and worship that passed all other of their fellows in prowess and noble deeds.”[84] In Malory’s Camelot, the knights of the Table Round proved their prowess to Arthur by competing in jousts and tournaments.[85]
However, Malory himself was a less than ideal example of chivalry, for one thing he wrote Morte D’Arthur while imprisoned in 1470.[86] Paradoxically, despite Malory’s knights of the round table vowing to defend women, Malory, also a knight, was accused of raptus against a woman known as Joan Smith.[87] Raptus, in medieval legal documents was a term used to describe “sexual assault, forcible abduction, or consenual departure,” although Malory was accused of having assaulted Smith.[88] In essence, the version of chivalry in romances were, for lack of a better term, a romanticized one. Medieval society, particularly among the knightly classes, was violent; war had an almost constant presence which led to pervasive violence in medieval culture.[89] According to Saul, “violent, aggressive behaviour was a feature of the disputes that knights engaged in over land and status as much as it was of their conduct in arms.”[90] One letter from a knight simply known as Guy dating to 1249 describes the “exquisite tortures [through] we extracted the truth from the sailors who fell alive into our hands.”[91]
Chivalry was based on an aristocratic sense of honor.[92] The knight, in order to be considered honorable or chivalrous, had to be willing to defend the faith and his lord, while also governing his own lands.[93] Being willing to defend the faith made chivalry part of the language of the crusades and according to medievalist Maurice Keen, “brought church authorities, and in particular the reformed papacy of the late eleventh century, to terms with war and the warrior’s place in society.”[94] The church had made an attempt to create, or at least promote, a code of chivalry albeit one that was more likely to be disobeyed than followed.[95] The “Truce of God” in 1063, just thirty years before the First Crusade, attempted to put limits on violence creating a specific period of peace, from Wednesday to Monday, during which any act of violence would be punished.[96] The Crusades made an exception to this rule, and provided the crusader with many earthly benefits.[97]
All of the heroes of medieval romances were noblemen, so it is no surprise that nobility was one of the chief values of chivalry.[98] From the thirteenth century onwards there was a new emphasis on the lineage of the knights, especially in terms of nobility and heraldry.[99] Heraldry referred to the distinctive insignias, coats of arms and other markers on shields and banners which denoted lineage or identity.[100] In Etablissements de Saint Louis, a legal text dating to 1270, knighthood in France was inherited from the father’s own knighthood.[101] The term chivalry now not only applied to those formally knighted but, according to Keen “it also comes to be used to describe the obligations, estate, and style of life of those entitled, on account of their birth, to aspire to knighthood.”[102] This is a sharp contrast to De Troyes’s knight Alexander, who chooses to abandon his hereditary knighthood in order to seek knighthood from King Arthur “in order to learn honor.”[103] Unlike in the romances, chivalry was just as much about social standing and nobility as it was about martial ambition and honor.[104]
When one pictures the medieval knight, they imagine a dashing hero in a suit of armor rescuing damsels, a man who adheres to a strict moral code of mercy and honor. This knight is less a character of history but rather a fiction, a character passed down through centuries of romance literature. Romance literature is a term used by modern historians to describe the large body of secular poetry from the Medieval period that was largely written about the exploits of the nobility.[105] One of the most persistent types of romance were the Arthurian romances, which were set in the court of the legendary King Arthur. During the Middle Ages King Arthur, and more often his knights, were the subject of hundreds of romances. They were so ingrained in the medieval pop culture that one of Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales is an Arthurian romance.[106] The Arthur of romance was the height of chivalry, and the representation of knighthood presented in these romances became our modern standard.[107]
In order to explain the ways in which literary and historical knights are different, it was first necessary to explain what a real knight was. The knight was a social class, distinguished by their aristocratic status and their military capability as armored cavalry.[108] Knighthood was a direct product of vassalage, a feudal system of land-owning in which a vassal swore aid and counsel to his lord in exchange for land.[109] This aid almost invariably took the form of military service. A knight’s honor and virility as a leader and a member of chivalric culture depended on his performance in battle.[110] This focus on warfare in knightly culture made its appearance-albeit romanticized- in the romances and their predecessors the chansons de geste. But that was the way knights wanted us to see them, and their fighting. In reality, knights were perhaps the most well-protected people on a medieval battlefield.[111] Knighthood, both in fiction and in history however was defined by an ethos of violence, nobility, and subservience to their lord.
The knights of medieval romance were often roaming knights-errant, but they are still shown to ultimately be loyal to their liege, in many cases the legendary King Arthur. Arthur, to the medieval imagination was the greatest of all British kings, the legendary ancestor to England’s monarchy.[112] Arthur was a cultural icon for Medieval Britain, and he appeared in writings beginning in at least the 9th century.[113] By the twelfth century, when romance literature was in its most prolific period, the legend had flowered with the writings of French poet Chretien de Troyes.[114] Arthur and his knights were written to be the pinnacle of chivalry, meant to serve as examples for members of the knightly class.[115] Through Arthuriana, knighthood took on a new desirable identity, with even kings seeking knighthood.[116] With the end of the Middle Ages, Arthur fell to the sidelines, only to be revived by the Victorians. In particular art and poetry movements like the Pre-Raphaelites, people were nostalgic for the medieval period as presented in Arthuriana.[117] Arthuriana became more than a representation of a particular class and a symbol for England as a nation.[118] But the romantic representation of medieval history as shown through Arthuriana created a nostalgic and idealized past and with it, a romantic image of the knight.[119]
In this serial, I have argued that the real knights of the Middle Ages were noble in terms of heritage rather than ideals, that chivalry was practiced as a culture of knighthood as a warrior and aristocratic class and not an ethical code of behavior.[120] Chivalry was a principal that was based more on warfare and aristocracy than in religious morality. The knight of medieval romance was the result of the patronage of noblewomen and knights aggrandizing their chivalric identity.[121] [122] The chivalry of romances was concerned with mercy, and in particular the protection of women. But even the author of one of the most famous interpretations of the Arthurian legend failed to live up to this standard, writing his book while in prison for assault. On crusade, another knight described with excitement torturing his enemy, while in romances from the same time knights were applauded for their mercy.[123] This was the knight of history, a warrior and a landowner, not the courtly lover and jouster seen in the romances of Chretien de Troyes.
These were real living people, not two-dimensional characters, and like any person, they were not ideal. Through my research, I have compared and contrasted the knights of medieval romances from the knights of Medieval Europe. Arthuriana, and romances writ large, survived because they were entertaining, but they also show us how knights wished to be seen. The troubadours who composed the romances were often writing for knights, and they created a knight that was ideal. All of the accoutrements of chivalry, the heraldry, tournaments and indeed romances themselves were created by the knighthood as a means to applaud itself. Lancelot endures as our archetypal knight not because he represented reality, but because he was the archetype knights wanted to be seen as. In the 13th century, kings put on elaborate round-table tournaments, where knights cast themselves as romance heroes.[124] In essence, I believe romances didn’t represent knighthood as it was, but represented the way knights wished to be seen.
Endnotes
[1] Nigel Saul, Chivalry in Medieval England, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2011),179
[2] Jay Ruud, "medieval romance." In Encyclopedia of Medieval Literature, by Jay Ruud. 2nd ed. Facts On File, 2014. http://ezproxy.purchase.edu:2048/login?url=https://search.credoreference.com/content/entry/fofmedieval/medieval_romance/0?institutionId=288
[3] John Finlay, “Definitions of Middle English Romance” The Chaucer Review 15, no. 1 (1980), 45. www.jstor.org/stable/25093739.
[4] A.B. Taylor, An Introduction to Medieval Romance, (London, Heath Cranton Limited: 1971), 7.
[5] S.G. Heller, "Medieval Romance." In The Princeton Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics, edited by Roland Green, Stephen Cushman, and Clare Cavanagh. 4th ed. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://ezproxy.purchase.edu:2048/login?url=https://search.credoreference.com/content/entry/prpoetry/medieval_romance/0?institutionId=288
[6] C.W. Jones and T..V.F Brogan et al, "Medieval Poetry." In The Princeton Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics, edited by Roland Green, Stephen Cushman, and Clare Cavanagh. 4th ed. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://ezproxy.purchase.edu:2048/login?url=https://search.credoreference.com/content/entry/prpoetry/medieval_poetry/0?institutionId=288
[7] Jones and Brogan, et al, 2012.
[8] Saul 2011, 305.
[9] Saul 2011, 46.
[10] Taylor 1971, 60.
[11] Chrétien de Troyes, Arthurian Romances, (London: Penguin Books, 2004), 270
[12] Jay Ruud, "chanson de geste." In Encyclopedia of Medieval Literature, by Jay Ruud. 2nd ed. Facts On File, 2014. http://ezproxy.purchase.edu:2048/login?url=https://search.credoreference.com/content/entry/fofmedieval/chanson_de_geste/0?institutionId=288
[13] "Roland." In The Bloomsbury Dictionary of English Literature, ed. Marion Wynne-Davies. 2nd ed. Bloomsbury, 1997. http://ezproxy.purchase.edu:2048/login?url=https://search.credoreference.com/content/entry/blit/roland/0?institutionId=288
[14]Dorothy L. Sayers, The Song of Roland, (New York: Penguin Books, 1957.) 132, 138.
[15] Ruud, “medieval romance”, 2014.
[16] Ruud, “medieval romance”, 2014.
[17] Maurice Keen, Chivalry, (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,1984), 30.
[18] De Troyes 2004, 74.
[19] Keen 1984, 109.
[20] Nigel Saul, Age of Chivalry: Art and Society in Late Medieval England, (London: Brockhampton Press: 1995), 16.
[21] Keen 1984, 2.
[22] Taylor 1971, 8.
[23] John Frederick Rowbotham, The Troubadours and Courts of Love, (Detroit, MI: Singing Tree Press, 1969), 90.
[24]L. M. Wright, "Misconceptions concerning the Troubadours, Trouvères and Minstrels." Music & Letters 48, no. 1 (1967): 38 Accessed March 3, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/733150.
[25] Wright 2020, 38-39.
[26] Frances Gies, The Knight in History, (New York: Harper and Row, 1984), 48.
[27] Gies 1984, 51.
[28] Matilda Tomaryn Bruckner. "Fictions of the Female Voice: The Women Troubadours." Speculum 67, no. 4 (1992): 866. Accessed Feburary 13, 2020. doi:10.2307/2863471.
[29]Jay Ruud, "lay." In Encyclopedia of Medieval Literature, by Jay Ruud. 2nd ed. Facts On File, 2014. http://ezproxy.purchase.edu:2048/login?url=https://search.credoreference.com/content/entry/fofmedieval/lay/0?institutionId=288
[30] Marie de France, The Lais of Marie de France, trans. Keith Busby and Glyn S. Burgess (London: Penguin Books, 2003.),56
[31] Taylor 1971, 60.
[32] Saul 2011, 263.
[33] Taylor 1971, 61.
[34] Michael Bryson, and Arpi Movsesian. "The Troubadours and Fin’amor: Love, Choice, and the Individual." In Love and Its Critics: From the Song of Songs to Shakespeare and Milton’s Eden, 123. (Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2017.) Accessed February 20, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt1sq5vd6.8.
[35] Taylor 1971, 238.
[36] Bernard O’Donoghue, The Courtly Love Tradition, (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1982,) 38.
[37]Andreas Capellanus, The Art of Courtly Love, trans. by John Jay Parry, (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1990,) 28.
[38] Capellanus 1990, 149.
[39] O’ Donoghue 1982, 312.
[40] Capellanus 1990, 7, 185-186.
[41] O’Donoghue 1982, 166.
[42] De Troyes 2004, 209-210.
[43] De Troyes 2004, 212.
[44] Bogdanow, “The Love Theme In Chrétien de Troyes’s “Chevalier De La Charrette”.”, 61.
[45] De Troyes 2004, 261.
[46] Cappelanus 1990, 40.
[47] Jennifer G. Wollock, Rethinking Chivalry and Courtly Love. (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2011.), 126.
[48] Taylor 1971, 236.
[49] Cappelanus 1990, 6.
[50] De France 2003, 77.
[51] Simon Armitage, trans. Sir Gawain and the Green Knight (London: W.W. Norton & Company, 2007.) 107.
[52] Taylor 1971, 236.
[53]Lori J. Walters, ed. Lancelot and Guinevere: A Casebook. (New York, NY: Garland Publishing, 1996.), 61.
[54] Wollock 2011, 146.
[55] Walters 1996, 21.
[56] Norris J. Lacy, ed. The Lancelot-Grail Reader: Sections from the Medieval French Arthurian Cycle. (New York, NY: Garland Publishing, 2000.), 379, 382.
[57] Thomas Malory, Le Morte Darthur: The Winchester Manuscript, ed. By Helen Cooper, (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. 1998,) 469
[58] Malory 1998, 468
[59] Jeffrey B. Russell, "Courtly Love as Religious Dissent." The Catholic Historical Review 51, no. 1 (1965): 42. Accessed March 2, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/25017609.
[60] W. M. Ormrod, "KNIGHTS OF VENUS." Medium Aevum 73, no. 2 (2004): 290, http://ezproxy.purchase.edu:2048/login?url=https://search.proquest.com/docview/194191424?accountid=14171.
[61] Keen 1984, 239.
[62] Gies 1984, 60.
[63] K.J. Kesserling, "No Greater Provocation? Adultery and the Mitigation of Murder in English Law." Law and History Review 34, no. 1 (2016): 202. Accessed March 2, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/24771507.
[64] Duby 2988, 7.
[65] Susan Mosher Stuard, “Introduction,” in Women in Medieval Society, ed. Susan Mosher Stuard (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1976), 9.
[66] Cappelanus 1990, 7.
[67] Wollock 2011, 126.
[68] Taylor 1971, 236.
[69] Keen 1984, 239.
[70] Gies 1984, 71.
[71] Saul 1995, 3.
[72] Keen 1984, 2.
[73] Saul 1995, 6.
[74] Keen 1984, 6.
[75] Taylor 1971, 195.
[76] Fanni Bogdanow. "The Love Theme in Chrétien De Troyes's "Chevalier De La Charrette"." The Modern Language Review 67, no. 1 (1972): 54. Accessed March 5, 2020. doi:10.2307/3722385.
[77] De Troyes 2004,212
[78] Bogdanow 1972, 50.
[79] De Troyes 2004, 128
[80] De Troyes 2004, 144.
[81] Armitage 2007, 179.
[82] T. A. Shippey. "The Uses of Chivalry: "Erec" and "Gawain"." The Modern Language Review 66, no. 2 (1971): 247. Accessed March 1, 2020. doi:10.2307/3722880.
[83] Saul 1995, 314-315.
[84] Malory 1998, 95.
[85] Malory 1998, 95.
[86] Gweneth Whitteridge. "The Identity of Sir Thomas Malory, Knight-Prisoner." The Review of English Studies, 24, no. 95 (1973): 257. Accessed March 2, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/514968.
[87] Caroline Dunn, "The Language of Ravishment in Medieval England." Speculum 86, no. 1 (2011): 91 Accessed March 2, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/41105501.
[88] Dunn 2011, 90.
[89] Sean McGlynn, "Pueri Sunt Pueri: Machismo, Chivalry, and the Aggressive Pastimes of the Medieval Male Youth." Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques 42, no. 1 (2016): 89. Accessed March 7, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/24720618.
[90] Saul 1995,181.
[91] Dana C. Munro, trans. “Medieval Sourcebook: Guy, A Knight: Letter from the Sixth Crusade, 1249.” Internet History Sourcebooks Project. Last modified January 26, 1996. https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/source/1249sixthcde-let.asp.
[92] Saul 1995, 187.
[93] Gies 1984, 105.
[94] Keen 1984, 49.
[95] Gies 1984, 2.
[96] “Truce of God - Bishopric of Terouanne, 1063.” Internet History Sourcebooks Project. Last modified January 26, 1996. https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/source/t-of-god.asp.
[97] Gies 1984,35.
[98] Finlay 1980, 45.
[99] Keen 1984, 143.
[100] Anne Curry, "heraldry." In The Oxford Companion to British History, edited by John Cannon, and Robert Crowcroft. 2nd ed. (Oxford:Oxford University Press., 2015.) http://ezproxy.purchase.edu:2048/login?url=https://search.credoreference.com/content/entry/oupoxford/heraldry/0?institutionId=288
[101] Gies 1984 103.
[102] Keen 1984, 145.
[103] De Troyes 2004, 124.
[104] Keen 1984, 247.
[105] Finlay 1980, 45.
[106] Chaucer 1985, 240.
[107] Gies 1984, 75.
[108] Keen 1984, 1-2.
[109] Reynolds 1996, 19.
[110] Smith 2008, 590.
[111] Keen 1984, 220
[112] Flood 2015, 84-86
[113] Wiseman 2000 ,2
[114] Ashe 1981, 323
[115] Gies 1984, 75.
[116] Keen 1984, 68
[117] “Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood.” In the Thames & Hudson Dictionary of British Art.
[118] Higham 2002, 36.
[119] Haught 2014, 121
[120] Douglas 2011.
[121] Taylor 1971, 60
[122] Dunn 2011, 91.
[123] Dana C. Munro, trans. “Medieval Sourcebook: Guy, A Knight: Letter from the Sixth Crusade, 1249.” Internet History Sourcebooks Project. Last modified January 26, 1996. https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/source/1249sixthcde-let.asp.
[124] Cline 1945,204.
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